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Preface This book is not an attack upon the Armed Forces nor upon the vast majority of senior military commanders, who, in time of war, succeeding in a task which would make the running of a large commercial enterprise seem like child's play by comparison. It is, however, an attempt to explain how a minority of individuals come to inflict upon their fellow men depths of misery and pain virtually unknown in other walks of life. The book involves a putting together of contributions from a great many people -- historians , sociologist, psychologists and of course Soldiers and Sailors. It is hoped that none of these will feel misrepresented in the final picture which their contributions made. For errors of fact, and for the opinions expressed, I alone take full responsibility. In the writing in this book, I a look very great debt of gratitude to all those who gave generously of their time to reading in discussing earlier drafts. Their encouragement, criticisms and advice have been in valuable. In particular I would like to thank Mr. Penelope Dixon and Dr. Hugh L'Etang for the many sorts of help they gave at every stage. For the long hour she spent tearing out research, checking contents, and assisting with the index I owe a great deal of gratitude to Dr. For their generous assistance I should also like to think Dr. Brian Bond and Dr. Michael Dockrill of King's College, Mr. Russell Braddon, Wing-Commander F. John Keegan and Mr. Rupert Wilkinson also like to express my gratitude to Ms. Julie Steele for her secretarial assistance, to Ms. Susanna Clapp and Mrs. For permission to quote extracts from works in which they hold copyright I am most grateful to: Russell Braddon, Jonathan Cape Ltd. Finally, I owe a debt of gratitude to that handful of people who would probably preferred to remain nameless whose hostility and dismay that anyone to write a book on military incompetence provided considerable, if unlooked-for, confirmation of the relationship between militarism and human psychopathology. D Foreword One day, I hope, someone will write the history of the impact of science on the conduct of war for and also a what are loosely called "defense studies". When he does, I am certain that he will find this book by Dr. Norman Dixon, for which I am privileged to write a foreword, to have been an important landmark. Norman Dixon is specifically concerned with the subject of leadership on the highest level, or "generalship", which he seeks to illuminate by bringing his own branch of science, experimental psychology to bear; but before discussing his theme from the point-of-view of a military professional student it might clear the ground, perhaps, if I adumbrated, or anticipated, the history of the relationship of scientists and Soldiers. We should begin by reminding ourselves that war is only partly a rational activity directed at useful goals or benefits, such as survival, or the acquisition of desirable territory. The study of warfare is, perhaps, a branch of sociology. Wars are not fought on solely with "victory" as the object -victory being defined, presumably, as a net gain of benefits over costs-but for "glory". To achieve "glory" the war had to be conducted according to certain rules, using only certain honorable weapons and between Soldiers dressed in bizarre and often unsuitable costumes. The leaders of such armies were chosen from a corps of officers who were not recruited primarily for prowess or intelligence , but because they conformed to certain social criteria. They, for instance, had to be noble, or to profess a certain religion, or, where nobility was not a passport to rank, to belong to the appropriate class or caste. This is why successful generals when they emerge appear to be "freaks or mavericks"; and also, perhaps why such a maverick as Wellington found it necessary to convert himself into a British aristocrat in that course of his ascent to fame. It also accounts for the sudden appearance of a plethora of competent generals when the mould of a society is broken as it was by the French and Russian revolutions, or when a new, classless and caste-less society evolves, as it did in United States and the 19th-century. The best generals on both sides in the American Civil War could probably have beaten any comparable team from Europe, for the war made the profession of generalship a career open to talent and freed it from the rule of the authoritarians who flourish in rigid societies. The "scientific" breakthrough really came in the early part of this century, and I would like to do well on this for a moment in spite of the fact that it lies in the province of applied science and engineering--rather than that of behavioral sciences. Navies remained rigidly authoritarian in outlook and hierarchical in structure , but at the same time our Royal Navy, for instance, was extraordinarily open-minded and imaginative in the purely technical field. The great battleships of had highly sophisticated systems of fire control, equipped, even, with military analog computers; the importance of the submarine was grasped; and naval aviation pioneered. Unfortunately, on land in the First World War, the tactics of Malplaquet or Borodino were combined with the killing power of modern technology , with the bloodiest of results. This tragedy did not arise solely from incompetence: Scientists were still only asked for tools. No one then dreamt of asking the question "How shall we do it? The application of the behavioral sciences followed exactly the same cycle one-year later. It was confused with psychiatry, and psychiatrists were concerned with "mad" people and moreover, were soft on discipline. To allow them to participate in leader selection, asking awkward questions about sex, was repugnant to many officers and the resistance offered by military commanders to their use was naturally deep and obdurate. Only the insistence of the most enlightened men ever to occupy the post of the Adjutant-General of the British Army, General Sir Ronald Adam overcame these obstacles. Between and Army psychiatrists, and subsequently psychologists, made the most valuable contributions, quite outside a purely clinical field, to the question of training, officer selection, "job satisfaction" and discipline. Both the Royal Air Force and United States Air Force make good use of both branches of the science in the field of the effects of stress and motivation, which hitherto had been dominated by purely moral and unscientific assumptions. By the end of the Second World War, we knew a great deal about the nature of leadership on the level of pilots and platoon commanders. But no one so far had the temerity to apply the same criteria to the General's; and this is why I think Norman Dixon's book is by way of being a landmark. He is a bold man. The subject of generalship is peculiarly the province of military historians of "classical" outlook, who are perfectly ready to fall on each other, let alone any outsider who may trespass therein, and also the new wave of social scientists and professors of international relationships and politics whose minds are not necessarily any more open than those of their military colleagues. Norman Dixon is therefore likely to come under a hot fire from several quarters. Fortunately, he's accustomed to heat. As a former regular officer in the Royal Engineers , including nine years in bomb disposal , he was moulded in the corps where intellectual habitually meets danger and he has exchanged his old discipline for a new one to become an experimental psychologist. I cannot think of anyone better qualified to attempt this synthesis. Psychologists he argues can identify a distinct personality type in whom a fundamental conflict between the dictates of conscience and the need for aggression may seriously interfere with the open-mindedness, imagination and intellect needed to reach correct decisions. Obviously, the human personality is far too complex to be represented by a simple stereotype, but Norman Dixon's approach is to use the well-documented "authoritarian" personality as a template against which to measure some famous commanders. In my view, at any rate, Norman Dixon's theme does not upset the "classical" appreciation of the characteristics of a successful general. Surely, he resolves the problem of conflicting qualities: He speaks in modern terms, of the "noise" with the general must filter out from the total input of information he receives in the stress and confusion of battle. But in classical terms, this is old and familiar to us; was it not once said of Massena that "his mental faculties redoubled amid the roar of cannon"? I believe this book should be required reading at all places where future officers are selected, trained or prepared for higher command. Both professional Soldiers and the equally useful generation of young academic students of warfare will find new knowledge and valuable insights in this challenging study of how some men in high command may react when under the appalling stresses of war. Erickson, Youth, Change and Challenge "With years of examples behind us we have no excuse when fighting, for not fighting well" --T. Lawrence, letter, in Liddell-Hart, Memoirs "No general ever won a war whose conscience troubled him or who did not want to 'beat his enemy too much'" --Brigadier Shelford Bidwell, Modern Warfare Chapter 1 Introduction " We only wish to represent things as they are, and to expose the error of believing that a mere bravo without intellect can make himself distinguished in war" --C. Like the common cold, flat feet or the British climate, it is accepted as a part of life--faintly ludicrous but quite unavoidable. Surely there can be nothing left to say about the subject? In fact, military incompetence is a largely preventable, tragically expensive and quite absorbing segment of human behavior. It also follows certain laws. The first intimation of this came to the writer during desultory reading about notorious military disasters. These moving, often horrific, accounts evoked a curious deja vu experience. For there was something about these apparently senseless goings-on which sent one's thought along new channels, making contact with phenomenon from quite other, hitherto, unrelated, contexts; and then back again to senseless facts, not now quite so senseless, until gradually a theme, continuous as a hairline crack, could be discerned throughout the stirring tales of daring-do. If this pattern was real, and meant what it seemed to mean, certain predictions would follow. These were tested and found correct. Yet other pieces began falling into place, until gradually the mosaic of elements took on the semblance of a theory. This book is about that theory. It is concerned with placing aspects of military behavior in the context of general psychological principles. This sounds fine -- a cheerful marriage of history and psychology. Unfortunate, however, such a unit may not be entirely agreeable to 17 some of the potential in-laws. Judging from the attitude of some historians, a putting together of psychology and history is, to say the least, bad form, while a putting together of psychology and military history is positively indecent. There at least two reasons for this anxiety. The first is that since there are few things more annoying than having one's behavior explained, there exists a natural distaste for explanations of historical figures with whom one perhaps identifies. The second reason is a distrust of reductionism -- of the idea that anything so complex as a military disaster could possibly be reduced to explanations in terms of the workings of the human mind, and this by a psychologist of all people. In answer one can only say that that of course, historians know more about history than do psychologists. Of course historical events are determined by a complex set of variables -- political, economic, geographical, climatic and sociological. But ultimately history is made by human beings, and whatever other factors may have contributed to the military disaster, one of these was the minds of those who were there, and another the behavior to which these minds gave rise. Now these are complex variables; hence it has been necessary to play down the other factors in order to focus upon more clearly upon possible psychological determinants. Consider the analogous case of aircraft accidents. Nobody would deny that airplanes crash for number of different reasons, sometimes working independently, sometimes in unison; this does not mean that the selecting out for particular study a single factor, such as metal fatigue, necessitates dwelling on such other variables as bad weather, indifferent navigation, or too much alcohol in the bloodstream of the pilot. The case for a reductionist approach, however, also rests upon another consideration: Whether they are well-equipped or ill-equipped , whether they are in control of men who were armed with spears or men with tanks and rockets , whether they are English, Russian, German, Zulu, American, or French, good commanders remain pretty much the same. Likewise, bad commanders have much in common with each other. One rewarding by-product of writing this book has been the many enjoyable conversations I have had with people in the armed services. In point of fact, for devotees of the military to take exception to a study a military incompetence is as unjustified as it would be for admirers of teeth to complain about book on dental caries. In an imperfect world, the activities of professional fighters are presumably as necessary to society as those of the police, prostitutes, sewage disposers and psychologists. It is just because we cannot do without these callings except, possibly, the last that any serious attempt to understand their peculiarities should be welcomed and, indeed taken, as a compliment. For it is a token of their importance that they should merit such attention. Monday night combat game sex porn

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7 Comments

  1. The lack of further guidance might not have mattered had the generals under his command shown some spark of military ability.

  2. Both professional Soldiers and the equally useful generation of young academic students of warfare will find new knowledge and valuable insights in this challenging study of how some men in high command may react when under the appalling stresses of war.

  3. Like a rudderless ship, that bumps and grates from one reef to the next, the Army lurched from the hazards of Alma to the more disastrous ones of Balaclava. The second half of the book is devoted to discussion and explanation. It was not that Simpson was a harsh taskmaster.

  4. Though he rarely uses it, Bull has a pretty good one, too. But these ideals are hard to me. His command unfortunately was no larger than a brigade.

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